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Chinese Embassy firmly rejects NZ intelligence report hyping 'Chinese interference,' says claims rife with Cold War thinking_我的网站

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01韩国总统尹锡悦面临国会弹劾,调查机构连续两天传唤他接受调查,但遭到总统警卫处的拒收。
02尹锡悦确定辩护律师团队,由韩国广播通信委员会前委员长金洪一领衔,应对内乱罪调查和宪法法院的弹劾审判。
03宪法法院将于12月27日举行弹劾案的首场听证会,尹锡悦须出席。

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China has firmly rejected and condemned a new annual report by the New Zealand Security Intelligence Service on Friday which once again fabricates and sensationalizes claims about so-called "Chinese interference" and "China threat," stressing that the report is rife with Cold War thinking and contains unfounded accusations against China.
This report is clearly linked to a series of recent negative developments in New Zealand's China-related policies, a Chinese expert told the Global Times on Friday.
Recently, New Zealand has continuously toughened its rhetoric toward China, which to some extent reflects a form of "compensatory hawkishness" aimed at demonstrating its reliability within the Five Eyes alliance, Chen Hong, director of New Zealand Studies Centre, East China Normal University, told the Global Times. "Rather than reflecting 'strategic confidence,' this trend may reveal a sense of 'identity anxiety,'" Chen said.
The New Zealand intelligence agency claimed in the report released on Thursday that China is the only nation pursuing espionage in New Zealand at scale, Radio New Zealand reported. It also claimed that such activity posed threat to New Zealand, which is the "most challenging of recent times."
Many of its unfounded accusations against China either maliciously label normal exchanges, communication and cooperation as so-called espionage or interference activities, or are simply baseless fabrications. China absolutely rejects and firmly opposes this, the Chinese Embassy in New Zealand said in a statement released on Friday.
The release of this report at this time is part of a new round of attacks, smears and vilification of China orchestrated by certain international forces. In itself, the report may well be the result of foreign interference, the embassy said.
In June, security agencies from the "Five Eyes" alliance issued a warning, claiming that Chinese spies used online job platforms to recruit people with access to sensitive information, according to a Reuters report.
For now, the annual report has further escalated its rhetoric, effectively creating a chain in which the Five Eyes' warnings and New Zealand's domestic threat assessments reinforce and echo each other, the Chinese expert said.
The Lowy Institute said in a latest article on Thursday that New Zealand had long been considered the weakest link in Five Eyes and the easiest for China to try to cow. "But New Zealand has now called out China by name in its intelligence warnings so often that officials joke it has become tougher on Beijing than Australia is," the article said.
The extent to which New Zealand's intelligence agencies have publicly singled out China has in fact gone further than Australia's, which, I think, represents a compensatory hardline posture, Chen noted.
"New Zealand wants to demonstrate that it is a very active and very tough member of the Five Eyes. In fact, we have recently seen New Zealand take a high-profile stance on issues ranging from Pacific Island countries and China's relations with South Pacific and South China Sea nations to China's missile tests and other China-related issues. All of these developments can be viewed in the context of this policy shift," the expert said.
This suggests that some forces within New Zealand's security and foreign policy establishment are consciously trying to demonstrate that New Zealand is not a weak link in the Five Eyes alliance, but rather an active participant, Chen added.
The report also reflects the fact that some people both within and outside New Zealand do not want to see China-New Zealand relations develop positively. By going to great lengths to spread rumors, they seek to drive a wedge between the peoples of the two countries, create a chilling effect among the public, including overseas Chinese, undermine bilateral mutual trust, and obstruct the development of bilateral relations, the embassy noted.
Their actions serve geopolitical purposes and the narrow, short-sighted political interests of certain forces. Their intentions are clear to anyone with insight, and their objectives will not succeed.
The embassy also noted that the essence of China-New Zealand relations is mutually beneficial cooperation and win-win outcomes. In recent years, with the joint efforts of both sides, bilateral relations have made steady progress. Bilateral trade has repeatedly reached new highs, bringing substantial income and employment opportunities to New Zealanders.
People-to-people exchanges have continued to grow, with the numbers of tourists and international students increasing steadily, promoting mutual understanding and closer ties between the peoples of the two countries. The overseas Chinese community in New Zealand has played a unique and important positive role in this regard.
Since China introduced a unilateral visa-free policy for New Zealand, many New Zealand tourists have visited China, witnessing firsthand China's development achievements and openness and inclusiveness, the embassy said.
As a result of various factors, New Zealanders' understanding of China has become more comprehensive and objective in recent years, while favorable views of China and support for China-New Zealand relations have continued to rise
The embassy also warned those forces and individuals attempting to engage in political manipulation: Do not undermine the hard-won, mutually beneficial and win-win China-New Zealand relationship for your own selfish interests, thereby harming the interests of New Zealand and its people.
Acting as pawns for anti-China forces internationally will ultimately prove counterproductive. Creating controversies in foreign relations will not solve New Zealand's problems; it will likely only make matters worse, the embassy said, urging these forces and individuals not to resort to desperate measures that will ultimately harm themselves, or lift a rock only to drop it on their own feet.
China attaches importance to its relations with New Zealand and is willing to work with the New Zealand side, on the basis of the consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries, to advance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, including political mutual trust, practical cooperation and people-to-people exchanges, and to better benefit the peoples of both countries, the embassy said.
However, the development of China-New Zealand relations does not depend on China alone. We hope the New Zealand side will work in the same direction as China, rather than the opposite. Otherwise, the New Zealand side will bear responsibility for any consequences arising from such a course of action, it noted.
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04由于执政党内部动荡,党首韩东勋宣布辞职,权力进入真空期。
05舆论认为,韩东勋未能充分动员党内力量,其背后目的是捞取政治私利。

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韩国总统尹锡悦遭国会弹劾,政局动荡远未平息,调查机构继续“勒紧”绳索。
央视新闻称,当地时间12月16日,调查机构再次向尹锡悦发出传唤,要求他于18日到案接受调查,但遭总统警卫处拒收。当天下午,尹锡悦确定辩护律师团队。据称后者已应对检方的传唤要求,并准备发布辩护立场。
韩国政坛新一轮“司法战”即将打响。
尹锡悦确定律师团
16日上午,由韩国警察厅国家调查本部、高级公职人员犯罪调查处和国防部调查本部联合设立的“共同调查本部”向总统府发出传唤通知:以涉嫌内乱和滥用职权为由,要求尹锡悦于18日上午10时到案接受调查。
但是,传唤通知遭总统府和总统官邸的总统警卫处拒收。“共同调查本部”转而通过电子邮件形式,将通知副本发送给尹锡悦。
这是继韩国检方后,又有调查机构传唤尹锡悦。

C |
15日,韩国检察厅紧急戒严特别调查本部称,曾于11日向尹锡悦发出传唤通知,要求他于当地时间15日10时赴首尔检察厅接受调查。但尹锡悦未予回应。16日,检方再次向尹锡悦发出传唤通知。
此前,韩国检方以涉嫌内乱、滥用职权和妨碍行使权利等罪名对尹锡悦展开正式调查,并将尹锡悦指认为“内乱罪首犯”。
根据韩国法律,内乱罪的定罪分为三类:一是首犯,二是参与策划、指挥等重要任务者,三是普通参与者。内乱首犯的处罚为死刑、无期徒刑或无期监禁。
这是继前总统朴槿惠之后,韩国调查机构第二次指认现任总统为嫌疑人。

D | 尹锡悦将如何回应“双重传唤请求”,备受关注。
据称,尹锡悦15日以“律师指定工作尚未完成”为由,未接受传唤。目前,他和夫人“隐居”首尔汉南洞的总统官邸,忙着组建以法律专家为主的辩护团队,为应对内乱罪调查和宪法法院的弹劾审判。
16日下午,尹锡悦辩护律师团队发表公告,宣布将由韩国广播通信委员会前委员长、前检察官金洪一领衔,以应对尹锡悦涉嫌“内乱罪”和弹劾案。律师团计划于今天或明天发表声明,公布辩护立场。
有消息人士16日称,尹锡悦律师团今天已应对了检方的传唤要求。
金洪一出身于检察系统,曾先后担任韩国大检察厅中央调查部部长、釜山高等检察厅检察长、国民权益委员会主席等职;2009年前后曾是尹锡悦的直属上司,2022年前后作为团队成员为尹锡悦的总统竞选提供助力。

E |
外界预测,尹锡悦一直否认内乱指控,可能不会立即接受传唤要求;但也可能会审时度势选择对自己有利的到案时间和地点。因为如果一再拒绝传唤,尹锡悦可能面临新的危险。
根据《刑事诉讼法》规定,有充分理由怀疑犯罪嫌疑人有犯罪行为,且后者无正当理由拒不出庭时,当局可对其紧急逮捕或签发逮捕令。

F | 总统警卫队并无可阻止调查机构执行逮捕令的法律依据。
宪法法院月底首次聆讯
16日上午,韩国宪法法院就尹锡悦弹劾案举行首次会议,讨论弹劾案审理时间表及相关程序,决定于12月27日举行弹劾案的首场听证会。
听证会是在全面审理前整理控辩双方论点、证据和问题的程序。
16日当天,宪法法院指定两名法官为负责准备程序的预审法官,组建了以高级宪法研究员为组长的特别工作组,并确定案件的主审法官。
接下来,宪法法院会向尹锡悦发送立案通知,并要求尹锡悦提交答辩书。在完成所有相关程序后,宪法法院将举行弹劾审判公开辩论,届时尹锡悦须出席。
同在16日,宪法法院确认,即使在目前3名法官空缺的“六人制”情况下,也可启动对尹锡悦的弹劾审判。考虑到案件严重性,宪法法院决定搁置其余8起弹劾案件,优先审理本案。
法律界认为,宪法法院最快将在两个月内、最迟四个月内决定是否罢免尹锡悦。预计控辩双方将展开激烈斗争。

G |
执政党党首批评声中辞职
调查和审理向前推进之际,执政党内部经历动荡,进入权力“真空期”。
16日上午,执政党党首韩东勋在国会举行记者招待会宣布辞职决定,并表示“不后悔”支持弹劾总统。

H |
他解释称,由于执政党最高委员会5名最高委员辞职,最高委员会已经“崩溃”,作为党首无法再正常履职,因此决定辞职。他还向国民致歉,称已尽力为国家找到除弹劾外的更好办法,但最终没能做到。

I |
14日总统弹劾案在国会通过后,韩东勋受到党内亲尹锡悦派的强烈抗议。

J | 有议员要求他对弹劾投票负责,韩东勋则反驳道“我进行紧急戒严了吗?我投票支持弹劾了吗?”
据称,此言一出引发不少议员愤怒,场面一片混乱。随后,亲韩东勋派的几名最高委员会委员宣布辞职,执政党领导层陷入“自动解散”状况。目前,党首职权暂由新任党鞭、亲尹锡悦派人物权性东代行。
舆论认为,韩东勋早前受尹锡悦拔擢,如今在弹劾问题上反复横跳,党内号召力备受质疑。他不仅无法控制党内亲尹锡悦派,也没能充分动员二三十名亲韩东勋派。究其背后,以韩东勋为代表的韩国政客并没有把民众和国家利益放在首位,而是希望乘机扩大影响力,捞取政治私利,结果可能竹篮打水一场空。
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